Menneskerettigheder i Kina: Sekretæren, advokaten og forretningsmanden

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Xinsrc 56208042914572342103411 180x221 shkl Advokaten Li Tiantian har været forsvundet siden den 19. februar. Det sidste, som hun skrev på Twitter, var hvordan politiet stod og bankede “som vanvittige” på hendes dør.

Hun er blot en af de utallige advokater, aktivister og forkæmpere for menneskerettigheder, som de kinesiske myndigheder har chikaneret eller bortført i de seneste uger. Det sker blandt andet for at forhindre, at Jasminrevolutionen skal brede sig til Kina.

Den seneste, som er forsvundet, er “Secretary Zhang.” Hans venner siger, at hans hustru ikke dukkede op på arbejde i dag, og at begge deres telefoner er slukkede.

Zhang er en af Kinas mest fremtrædende internet-aktivister, der blandt andet oprettede et forum på internettet, der var uden for myndighedernes censur. Han er her på Twitter, hvor han i øjeblikket har over 20.000, der følger ham. Du kan se et interview med ham på Chinageeks.

På det seneste har der været utallige tegn på, at Kina bevæger sig væk fra et retssamfund. Se for eksempel denne artikel af Evan Osnos, der er New Yorkers korrespondent i Kina. Han har talt med advokater i Beijing, der siger, at domstolene på mange niveauer bevæger sig i en uheldig retning:

One aspect of this is mediating cases at the grassroots, community level to decrease the number of disputes that turn into litigation. Neighborhood committees and local [government agencies] play an important role at this level. During a trip to [a southern city] … I visited a local community that had gained some national renown for its success in mediating disputes. The head of the neighborhood committee proudly called his community a “zero litigation” [district] … and also highlighted that there hadn’t been a single petition filed from his community in the last year. Both somewhat chilling statistics, although that was certainly not his intention in proudly sharing them with us.
There has also been a big push within the court system itself to resolve cases through mediation, with judges acting as mediators. Some local courts have even incorporated the number of cases successfully mediated as one measure of judges’ work performance.

Hvorfor bør danskere også lægge mærke til det her? Jo, helt banalt på grund af medmenneskelighed, som vi ynder at tale om en gang i mellem derhjemme. Når man kommer fra et civiliseret demokrati som Danmark, så bør man interessere sig for forholdene for i Kina, og de vilkår som en femtedel af Jordens befolkning lever under.

Men også fordi det kan få konsekvenser for Danmark og danskere. Se for eksempel den kortsigtede argumentation om, at man ikke vil kæde Kinas juridiske reformer, menneskerettigheder, politik og forretninger sammen. Det er ikke virkeligheden i Kina. Det hænger sammen. Det er for eksempel det samme retsvæsen, der dømmer kinesere i sager om ytringsfrihed, som også skal varetage danske virksomheders interesser i Kina.

Så det har også konsekvenser for udlændinge. Blandt andet for de udenlandske journalister i Kina, som myndighederne nu er begyndt at gå efter.

Og for erhvervslivet. Se en sag som den om den amerikanske statsborger Xue Feng, der netop er idømt otte års fængsel i Kina. På et mildest talt tvivlsomt grundlag.

Professor Jerome Cohen har en god kommentar i dag i South China Morning Post. Her er et uddrag, der ridser sagen op:

The prosecution of naturalised American citizen Xue Feng , which concluded last month, is a vivid reminder that China’s abuses of criminal justice can reach even those who steer clear of politics and human rights. Xue, a petroleum expert and businessman, was detained by China’s secret police in November 2007 after assisting his employer, a prominent American oil consulting firm, in purchasing a commercial database of Chinese oil wells.
Although the US-China consular agreement required China to notify the US of his detention within four days, notification only occurred after three weeks of US diplomatic pressure. That treaty violation led to another – the failure to permit an American official prompt access to Xue. That meant over a month of incommunicado detention before a consul could advise him. Moreover, their meeting was monitored, and they were not allowed to discuss the case!

Subsequent consular visits revealed that Xue had been tortured when he refused to confess to the crimes of “gathering intelligence” and “unlawfully sending abroad state secrets”. Xue displayed cigarette burns on his arms and later recounted an incident when an angry interrogator hit him in the head with a glass ashtray, plain violations of both domestic law and China’s commitments under the UN Convention Against Torture. Under physical and psychological pressure, Xue finally signed some false statements.

Officials violated Xue’s rights in other ways as well. The secret police illegally extended the length of Xue’s detention by not obtaining the prosecution’s timely approval of his formal arrest. Post-arrest investigation dragged on endlessly.

When the police finally recommended indictment, prosecutors – dissatisfied with the evidence – twice sent the case back to the police for further investigation, as legally permitted, but then exceeded their own time limit before deciding to indict Xue. The first instance court also delayed its judgment in the case so long that it stopped offering legal justifications.

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Hurtige klik fra Kina af Kim Rathcke Jensen. Jeg er journalist og BA i kinesisk. Jeg bor i Beijing, hvor jeg arbejder som Politikens korrespondent i Kina og Asien.

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