På vej hjem: Xi Jinpings besøg i USA

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Den kinesiske vicepræsident Xi Jinping, der efter alt at dømme bliver Kinas næste leder, er ved at afslutte sit besøg i USA. Her er tre hurtige links til intelligente analyser om hans besøg.

Peter Foster fra engelske Telegraph har haft en god dækning af besøget. For blot få måneder siden var han den ene af avisens korrespondenter i Kina, og nu er han så i USA, hvorfra han blandt andet skriver:

Strip away the pleasantries, however, and you quickly arrive at a bedrock of hard differences and strategic conficts that are not currently being bridged by talking. As the dissident Yu Jie confirmed in an interview with this newspaper this week, China remains a country where the secret police can throw a bag over your head, break your fingers and beat you unconscious for writing a book criticising senior leaders such as Mr Xi. On the surface China might increasingly resemble America, with its glittering skylines and six-lane highways filled with GM cars, but after three decades of economic engagement with the West there remain far too many dark corners of the Chinese state.
Meanwhile, China’s military build-up, still a long way from matching the US, continues apace, with figures this week showing that next year China will spend more on its armed forces than all other Asia-Pacific nations put together. Strategically, China continues to hedge its bets, soft-pedalling on Iran and washing its hands of the bloodshed in Syria by calling it “essentially an internal affair”.

Cheng Li, der er fra Brookings Institute, bliver interviewet i denne Q&A på National Bureau of Asian Research om, hvordan man skal forstå Xi Jinping og den nye generation af kinesiske ledere. Du bør læse det hele af, men her er et udpluk:

It’s best to look at this visit from two perspectives, first from the United States’ view, then from China’s. Xi Jinping will soon become the leader of the world’s most populous country and the second-largest economy in the world. Certainly the United States wants to develop a more effective China policy, especially when China has more influence on the global economy than perhaps ever before. In all the major issues for the United States, such as rebalancing of the economy, nuclear nonproliferation regarding Iran and North Korea, climate change, and cyber security, the United States needs China to be cooperative. Based on President Obama’s most recent State of the Union speech, you can see that he expressed his frustration on the economic front—on topics like intellectual property rights, market access, and the so-called Chinese indigenous innovation policies (that is, China’s economic protectionism). The United States wants China to be a responsible stakeholder in the global economic recovery, which is very important for the U.S. economy.

From China’s perspective, the February trip is perhaps even more important than it is for the United States. In a way, Vice President Xi has two perceived audiences, or you could say he is playing two chess games simultaneously—one with the United States and the other with China’s domestic audience. The Chinese audience is even more important from his perspective because people in China will want to see whether or not he can represent China well, earn respect from the United States, and act like a wise statesman or even a global leader. Most importantly, he will try to advance or protect his country’s best interests as people in China watch. If the trip is successful, Xi will gain political capital to consolidate his own power back at home. But he cannot afford for this trip to be a failure. It would hurt Xi politically if he were to say something unnecessarily confrontational or act unlike a statesman. But it will probably be even worse if he is seen as too accommodating to the West and not firmly advancing or protecting China’s interests.

Elizabeth Economy, blandt andet tilknyttet Council on Foreign Relations, skriver i Foreign Affairs om det store underskud af tillid, der er mellem de to lande:

Finally, trust goes hand in hand with respect — and respect must be earned. For its part, Washington needs a strong and sustained economic recovery. Then its role as global leader would be less open to challenge. The country must also practice what it preaches. On every issue the United States champions — fiscal responsibility, climate change, human rights — its own behavior should match its stated aspirations.

China, in turn, should recognize that the United States and most other countries will not likely respect it until it undertakes fundamental political reform. On one level, the international community wants to see transparency, rule of law, and official accountability, especially on issues such as intellectual-property rights, food and product safety, and the environment. At a more profound level, of course, the international community wants to see the Chinese government treating its own citizens better. If a regime does not freely earn respect and legitimacy from its people, it cannot expect those to be forthcoming from the rest of the world.

:: Foto fra Xinhua


Hurtige klik fra Kina af Kim Rathcke Jensen. Jeg er journalist og BA i kinesisk. Jeg bor i Beijing, hvor jeg arbejder som Politikens korrespondent i Kina og Asien.

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