Bo Xilai: Opsamling og links

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Med Bo Xilais afgang er den politiske magtkamp brudt ud i lys lue. Det er den største ideologiske kamp i Kina i to årtier, der handler om den politiske og økonomiske kurs for Kina i de kommende år, og hvem der skal stå i spidsen for landet i det næste årti. Her er links og opsamling. Du kan også læse den første opsamling her

New York Times skriver i dag, hvordan sagen om Bo Xilai giver et sjældent indblik i magtkampen blandt de øverste ledere. Og hvordan Kinas Kommunistparti lige nu står i den største ideologiske krise siden 1989.

But outside experts say — and anecdotal evidence suggests — that old intrigues thought to have been suppressed are at work again. Indeed, some analysts say Mr. Bo’s dismissal could foreshadow the kind of infighting over the future not seen since the Tiananmen Square protests set China on a rigidly authoritarian course nearly 23 years ago.

“This is a critical political issue, perhaps the most critical since 1989,” Joseph Fewsmith, a scholar of China’s senior leaders at Boston University, said in an interview. Mr. Bo’s Chongqing policies, Professor Fewsmith said, could pose “a challenge to the direction of reform and opening up as it has been implemented since the Deng Xiaoping era.”

Foreign Policy kigger på det interessante Democratic Parties History Museum of China. Og om hvordan Kinas Kommunistparti selv mener, at det står i spidsen for et demokrati. Men når man fjerner Bo Xilai på denne måde, så viser det, hvor interesserede partiet egentlig er i demokrati og reformer.

The NPC and its sister conference, the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, where delegates tackle various pressing social issues — from the alarming lack of civil liberties to the alarming lack of breast-feeding — are meant to proudly advertise China’s brand of democracy in action. This year’s pomp was slightly undercut by Bo’s fall from grace; it’s not often that a party secretary gets summarily dismissed at the end of a normally bland legislative session. Despite the drama, the democratic parties dutifully played their role. The China Democratic National Construction Association diligently raised concerns over wage arrears for migrant workers, while the Chinese Peasants and Workers Democratic Party conscientiously brought up soil pollution.

Asia Society har et interview med Steven Lewis, der mener at de kinesiske ledere nu vil begynde at kigge sig mere over skulderen for at se, om de bliver den næste Bo Xilai. Steven Lewis taler også om timingen, og hvorfor det kom frem netop nu.

I actually think that they would have preferred not to release this around the People’s Congress. The fact that they released it and in particular that we saw Wen Jiabao commenting on it at the People’s Congress makes me think there must have been some time element to get the word out on Bo’s ouster. If you have all these delegates together and you have all this media together, you’ve got to have a party-line position, and everyone knew Bo’s lieutenant Wang Lijun was arrested after going into the U.S. consulate and they were asking about that incident. Overall, I’m sure they would have preferred to avoid the embarrassment when they were there to talk about national laws and policies and not a political scandal.

Bloomberg Businesswek skriver hvordan Bo Xilai’s exit har betydning for økonomien.

The Chongqing model also includes a focus on state-led control of the economy, a return to government-owned companies that dominate the business world, as well as policies aimed at combatting China’s growing inequality, including by building subsidized housing for the poor. On March 9, on the sidelines of the National People’s Congress, Bo said that China’s
gini coefficient, an index of income inequality, had exceeded 0.46, well above the level that most economists say leads to social unrest. “As Chairman Mao said as he was building the nation, the goal of our building a socialist society is to make sure that everyone has a job to do and food to eat, that everybody is wealthy together,” Bo said. “If only a few people are rich, then we’ll slide into capitalism. We’ve failed. If a new capitalist class is created, then we’ll really have turned onto a wrong road.”

New Yorker skriver at kinesisk politik er begyndt at få selv den republikanske valgkamp til at »look like a group hug.« Men Evan Osnos er mere interesseret i, hvad Bo Xilai’s sag siger om korruption.

Bo’s signature move was sponsorship of a fierce “smash black” campaign, the most sweeping crackdown on “black society” or “organized crime” in the country’s recent history. In that effort, security forces under his command prosecuted or abused mobsters and tycoons and thereby did something uncomfortable for everyone: illuminated how those two categories have come to overlap in China. Defining who is a hero out of Horatio Alger and who is a world-class crook has always been a challenge for a country in the midst of a Gilded Age, but in China it has become especially difficult.

Guardian har bedt Steven Tsang om at skrive en kronik. Bo er nede, men er han ude, spørger Steven, der også pointerer, at vi reelt ikke ved noget om, hvad der foregår inderst i Kinas Kommunistparti.

It is all about the political system and the nature of politics in the People’s Republic, which is consultative Leninist in nature. To bring someone as senior and powerful as Bo down is highly painful for the party, which is the establishment in China. Factional divisions and interest groups within the party mean that delicate negotiation and balancing need to be undertaken before the fate of someone like Bo can be decided. It is not up to General Secretary Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao, while the general public can only be spectators.

Chinageeks, som udenfor internettet derude i 3D hedder Charles Custer, har skrevet en gæste-artikel på Foreign Policy om, hvordan de kinesiske internetbrugere har reageret på Bo Xilais fyring. Mange er glade for den. Men andre bakker op om Bo.

Other netizens shared photos and songs to commemorate Bo’s career in Chongqing, where he picked up a reputation as a populist and a fighter against corruption, even if his methods of prosecution were sometimes rumored to be as criminal as the methods of the gangsters he was hunting down. “I don’t even want to stay in Chongqing anymore,” wrote one anonymous weibo user, “with Bo Xilai gone and Wang Lijun removed, is it even safe?” Reading through hundreds of netizen comments, it is obvious that many netizens feel that whatever his flaws may have been, Bo Xilai did noticeably improve life in Chongqing during his tenure there.

Telegraph har fået Jonathan Fenby til at stille spørgsmålet, om hvordan det går med reformerne i Kina. Den hurtige vækst har kun styrket de kræfter i partiet, der er modstandere af forandringer, mener Fenby.

But explosive growth has strengthened the status quo and vested interests who oppose change. This, as Wen noted on Wednesday, breeds corruption, income disparity and the yawning trust deficit when it comes to the credibility of the authorities. “Only believe something when the government denies it” is a popular catchphrase.

Wen, Wang and others at the top envisage reform to safeguard Party rule, not to destroy it. Just as the patriarch Deng Xiaoping introduced economic change at the end of the 1970s to strengthen both China and its ruling party, today no senior figure dares to talk of competitive democracy to enfranchise the world’s most populous nation.

The current debate in China is important, and is given an edge by Bo’s fall. But China has no record of peaceful political evolution. During the 2,200 years of imperial rule, dynasties fell but it was not in their nature to step down of their own accord. The same is true of their Marxist-Maoist-market heirs. So the pertinent question is whether they can cope with a changing economy and rapidly evolving society within the confines of their monopoly political system or whether they will be forced to accept reform with far-reaching potential. Given China’s position as the planet’s second biggest economy and its enormous global importance, this is a matter which concerns not just the last major state on earth ruled by a Communist party, but also the world at large.


Hurtige klik fra Kina af Kim Rathcke Jensen. Jeg er journalist og BA i kinesisk. Jeg bor i Beijing, hvor jeg arbejder som Politikens korrespondent i Kina og Asien.

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