Med Bo Xilais afgang er den politiske magtkamp brudt ud i lys lue. Det er den største ideologiske kamp i Kina i to årtier, der handler om den politiske og økonomiske kurs for Kina i de kommende år, og hvem der skal stå i spidsen for landet i det næste årti. Du kan læse alle tidligere artikler om magtkampen og Bo Xilai her.
Caixin mener i en leder, at skandalen om Bo Xilai er et eksempel på, at der er brug for demokratiske mekanismer i Kina, der skal forhindre korruption, og at politikere misbruger deres magt.
As a rule, corruption thrives in an authoritarian regime. A leader with exceptional self-discipline may be able to stay above board. But, at this stage of its development, China offers too many temptations, and the collusion of money and power is commonplace.
We can’t rely on personal virtue alone to deliver a clean government. If a political leader already struggles to toe the line, how much more difficult would it be for him to ensure his family and staff do the same?
Speaking of his wife of over 20 years, Bo said last month that he was touched that she gave up her legal career to keep house for him. But now this person that he should know well is accused of killing someone over a conflict of interests. If true, what drove a once successful lawyer to such radical action? Clearly, she must have thought she was invulnerable. Though this is an extreme example, the abuse of power by the wives and children of political leaders is only too common.
Some people are fooled by the aura of power and believe that powerful people who claim to be clean must be so, and those who are the offspring of revolutionary heroes must be selfless and stainless. This is a superstition we must discard.
International Herald Tribune har en ugentlig klumme af Didi Kirsten Tatlow, der her skriver, hvordan mange kinesere frygter, at Kina er blevet en mafiastat. Efter Bo Xilais skandale har partiet mistet en stor bid af deres legitimitet, og endnu en gang er den årelange debat om nationens moralske forfald blusset op.
Secret societies, or triads, have long flourished in China, occupying a vague ground that included anti-dynastic activities, mutual help societies and outright criminality. Sun Yat-sen, the Republican revolutionary, and Chiang Kai-shek, the Nationalist leader, both participated in differing ways in different times. In the years before Hong Kong’s return to Chinese rule in 1997, top leaders like Deng Xiaoping and Tao Siju, the public security minister, declared that some of Hong Kong’s triad members were “patriotic,” according to news reports at the time. The statements were read as a nod of acceptance by Beijing.
Some Chinese believe Mr. Bo and Mr. Wang’s high-profile campaign against organized crime in Chongqing may have been merely a classic maneuver whereby one gang replaces another. And despite his reported concern about the reach of organized crime into government, no one believes Mr. Wang’s hands are clean.
South China Morning Post ser nærmere på, hvad der måske kommer til at ske for Zhou Yongkang, der er Kinas svar på Dick Cheney, og som var en af Bo Xilais mest magtfulde støtter. Men, som så ofte med kinesisk politik, det bygger på spekulationer og anonyme kilder, der påstår at have kendskab til de inderste cirkler i partiet.
However unlikely it might be, any action against Zhou, a member of the innermost Politburo Standing Committee, would have more significant bearing than that against Bo on the way the world’s last major Communist Party-ruled nation evolves.
Zhou, officially ranked last in the nine-member committee, oversees state security and the police. But seasoned China watchers consider him one of the committee’s most powerful men. Some pundits have described him as a hardliner, similar to the former US vice-president Dick Cheney. “He [Zhou] grimaces even when he smiles,” said an analyst who declined to be named.
Rumours, hard facts and insider accounts have all pointed to Zhou’s political bond with Bo, though this does not mean that Zhou was personally involved in any of Bo’s wrongdoings.
Before Bo’s downfall, Zhou was among just a few senior leaders to openly support Bo’s leftist campaign in Chongqing . But Bo’s policies apparently challenged the vision of China held by President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao . It is evident that the battle between those represented by the Zhou-Bo faction, looking to China’s Maoist past, and those looking to a more democratic future, led by Hu and Wen, has been laid bare.
Party insiders said that Zhou is the only standing committee member to disapprove of the handling of the Bo affair, a claim supported by the fact that Zhou made a last-ditch effort to support Bo a week before the former Chongqing boss’ sacking on March 15.
Guardian skriver, hvordan USA gør alt for ikke at blive fanget af den kinesiske skandale, selvom det amerikanske konsulat i Chengdu spiller en hovedrolle. For hvorfor fik Wang Lijun ikke asyl, og hvad skete der på konsulatet?
Washington is desperately trying to avoid being drawn into the internal Chinese struggle that began with the attempted defection of a provincial official in February and has since expanded to include the suspected poisoning of British businessman Neil Heywood.
As the scandal surrounding Bo Xilai and his wife Gu Kailai has spiralled into the biggest crisis confronting Beijing for years, US officials repeatedly refused to comment on the power struggle.
At the state department’s daily press briefing on Wednesday, spokesman Mark Toner declined to discuss the issue in detail, particularly the attempted defection of the Chongqing vice-mayor Wang Lijun.
Toner stuck rigidly to a short, agreed version of events. “Wang Lijun requested a meeting with the US consulate-general in early February. He was there on Monday 6 and left on Tuesday February 7. And he left by his own volition. But I can’t talk about the discussions,” he said.
Wall Street Journal citerer anonyme kilder, der uddyber USAs rolle og Wang Lijuns besøg på konsulatet.
U.S. officials felt there was little chance Mr. Wang would have quickly qualified for asylum.
That was because of what they said was his reputation as an unsavory strongman for Mr. Bo up until the two fell out over the suspicious death in Chengdu of Neil Heywood, a British businessman.
As a result, the U.S. and Mr. Wang agreed that American officials should reach out to central government authorities to retrieve Mr. Wang, rather than allow him to fall into the hands of the local party’s security forces, according to people who were briefed by both U.S. and Chinese authorities.
When Mr. Wang left the consulate he was taken into custody by national security forces and apparently taken to Beijing.
On the U.S. side, the matter reached as high as the White House, American officials said. The White House and State Department declined to comment.
Telegraph og Malcolm Moore skriver, at der indtil videre er arresteret mindst 39 personer i efterforskningen om mordet og korruptionen omkring Bo.
At least 39 people are thought to be being held, alongside Mr Bo, in the seaside town of Beidaihe, a favourite retreat for Communist party leaders.
“The detainees include Xu Ming, who had a very special relationship with Mr Bo, and some of the people who worked with him,” said Wang Kang, a well-connected independent scholar and public figure in Chongqing who is the only person with inside information on Mr Bo’s removal from power to go on the record.
“The detainees are mainly people from Dalian and other places, not from Chongqing,” he added. Mr Xu is one of China’s richest men, a billionaire who heads the Dalian Shide industrial conglomerate. The 41-year-old has not been seen at the company since mid-March.
One of the people in custody is Xia Deling, the former party chief of Nan’an district in Chongqing, the area in which Mr Heywood’s body was discovered, on November 15, in the Nanshan Lijing Holiday Hotel.
Mr Xia has been rumoured to have supplied the cyanide that killed Mr Heywood. However, Mr Wang suggested that this is unlikely. “Xia Deling was promoted from the countryside to his post in Nan’an, skipping up two ranks, so he was very loyal. But I do not think he would have personally obtained the poison,” he said.
National Bureau of Asian Research har et interessant interview med Cheng Li fra Brookings Institute i Washington, hvor han diskuterer, om skandalen om Bo er en negativ eller positiv ting for Kina (.pdf). Og i første omgang er det godt, mener Cheng.
My overall assessment is that the dismissal of Bo Xilai is a very positive event in China’s politicaldevelopment. While it has already constituted the most serious political crisis since the 1989 Tiananmenincident (and perhaps since the 1971 Lin Biao incident), the Hu Jintao–Wen Jiabao administration mayhave successfully avoided an even bigger crisis. In stark contrast with the 1989 Tiananmen incident,China’s economy and society have hardly been disrupted, at least up until now. This reflects the maturityof Chinese society and the strength of the country as a whole. To a great extent, this crisis has been agood thing for China. It not only reveals major flaws in the Chinese political system, but may also helpthe Chinese leadership, intellectual communities, and the general public reach a new consensus, thuscontributing to bold and genuine political reforms. However, if the leadership fails to seize this greatopportunity, the CCP will be in greater jeopardy in the years to come.
Wall Street Journal ser nærmere på Bo Xilai og milliarderne. For er det en holdbar vækst på over 16 procent i Chongqings økonomi eller bygger den på lån og luftkasteller? Og hvad siger den om den konservative og maostiske økonomi, som Bo var fortaler for.
Authorities are questioning billions of dollars of government spending in the city of Chongqing launched under fallen leader Bo Xilai, according to people familiar with the matter, in a direct challenge to his state-heavy, populist programs that drew interest from across China.
Chongqing’s new leaders have launched a “cleanup” of government investment projects, one local financial official said—projects that helped to propel the megacity’s growth to the fastest in China and put Mr. Bo on track to be considered for a senior national leadership position. Another person said scrutiny has fallen on the city’s tree-planting campaign, a Bo pet project widely supported in the city but which he has publicly said cost an extraordinary 10 billion yuan, or roughly $1.5 billion, a year.
Financial Times ser lidt i forlængelse af WSJs artikel på, hvordan nepotisme er udbredt i kinesisk politik og erhvervsliv.
The spectacular downfall of Mr Bo, one of China’s most powerful politicians, has rocked the stability-obsessed ruling party.
It has also shone a light on China’s powerful political families who sit at the intersection between power and money and often act as facilitators for domestic and foreign businesses in the country.
“It’s totally normal, and in fact vital in many industries, to hire family members of senior Chinese officials as consultants and go-betweens,” says one veteran foreign executive of a multi-national in China. However, there is no suggestion that TPG paid for access to Mr Bo or that it is involved in any way in the Heywood affair. The purpose of the TPG meeting was to discuss establishing a renminbi-denominated fund in Chongqing.